'We Need A Change Of Mindset Among India's Leaders'
With the onset of the general elections in India and the whirlwind of questions and negotiations on ‘burning’ issues that stir up, foreign policy matters hardly (ever) steal focus. Amidst the cauldron of domestic concerns, India’s strategic relationships with other nations have generally enjoyed a principally academic and specialised status. Demystifying the arena of external affairs, Rajiv Sikri, Former Secretary of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs, talks about how India’s foreign policy is no longer the” exclusive preserve of diplomats and officialdom” and the fact that people need to understand how “it makes a difference to their lives”.
In his book Challenge And Strategy: Rethinking India’s Foreign Policy (Sage Publications, 2009), Sikri emphasises the long term changes that need to be introduced in order to establish sustainable relations with countries particularly in India’s immediate neighbourhood. In an interview with Alokita Datta, the author shares his views on a range of subjects from the Indo-Pak political upheaval, to concerns of terrorism, energy security and economic diplomacy while also enumerating India’s significant foreign policy decisions from NAM to the nuclear deal.
The book, you mention in the preface, was inspired by the rampant debates on the India–US nuclear deal. Now that an agreement has been reached between the two countries, how will political relations be affected?
President Obama’s worldview and policies are radically different from his predecessor’s. Although some elements of his foreign policy have caused concern in India, Obama is unlikely to take any steps that would jeopardise the good work done in recent years to build India-US ties. A frank and wide-ranging dialogue at the political level is essential to avoid possible misunderstandings and to create synergies. Considering the importance of relations with the US, and the time and attention that the UPA Government gave to nurturing ties with the US under the Bush Administration, it is surprising that India’s political level contacts so far with the Obama Administration have been quite minimal. It will be up to the new government that is formed after the elections to take up this challenge.
Will the boost to India’s technological development be the driving force required for the country’s economy to move ahead? Technology will undoubtedly be a key driver for India’s development. Some technology restrictions have been removed after the NSG waiver. Let us not delude ourselves that this is a magic wand. As the US goal is to ensure that it remains the global centre of cutting edge scientific R&D and technological innovation, one should not expect the US — or indeed any other country — to transfer technologies to India that will erode its competitiveness. We must urgently put in place policies that will tap the best talent within India as well as draw our enormous pool of talent abroad to work for India’s benefit.
The most important area of contention between the US and India has been America’s consistent support to Pakistan, which thereby ignore India’s interests. Considering that India needs US aid and long term investment, how does India’s foreign policy with the US need to address this conflict, especially if a new government comes to power after the forthcoming elections.
The Obama Administration’s renewed large-scale military and civilian aid to Pakistan has brought out that the Manmohan Singh government was naïve in believing that an India-US strategic partnership could be built around the nuclear deal. So long as Pakistan has an India-centric foreign policy, and regards India as an enemy, the US cannot de-hyphenate its relations with India and Pakistan. President Obama has rightly recognised India’s role in the resolution of the Afghanistan problem. It is for us to tell the Americans clearly what India’s interests and expectations are.
We should press the US to make it clear to Pakistan that it cannot have a veto over India’s presence and legitimate interests in Afghanistan. It must convince Pakistan’s military — although it won’t be easy — that India’s own self-interest lies in a stable Pakistan. Where is the Indian threat that Pakistan is constantly conjuring up? Any sensible Indian would want to keep away from the mess that is Pakistan today. In fact, I believe that India and Pakistan must work together in Afghanistan.
The US investments in and trade with India are dependent on whether US American companies think they will make a profit, not whether India and the US have the same foreign policy perspective.
What are the particular areas where policy changes need to be made? How should the new government go about this process of ‘rethinking’?
That’s a big question. You will have to read my book to get a fuller answer to it! India must have a clear grand strategic design. In today's complicated and fast changing geo-political scenario, India has wisely diversified its foreign policy options, but must retain flexibility in order to be able to pursue an independent foreign policy, on which there is an overwhelming national consensus. India can become a major world power in the 21st century only on its own strength and political will, not because others want it to. Power is always taken, never given. There are no short cuts.
Piggybacking strategies are futile. Most important, I think we need a change of mindset among India’s leaders and its people. There is no place for a ‘chalta hai’ attitude. We must have not only self-confidence and determination, but also build the required institutional structures and public support for our foreign policy.